[DAWN] The notion of the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (Fata) as the epicentre of international terrorism has rapidly gained traction — not only are Pakistain and Afghanistan being affected by the militancy infested in the area, the threat has become credible enough for the international community to sit up and take note. A new debate is raging: what should Fata's fate be?
Fata is currently governed as a special tribal region under separate constitutional arrangements. The region, comprising a total area of 27,220 square kilometres, is inhabited by almost a dozen Pakhtun tribes. It is constituted by seven tribal agencies — Bajaur, Mohmand, Khyber, Kurram, Orakzai, North Wazoo and South Waziristan — and six frontier regions (FRs): FR Beautiful Downtown Peshawar ...capital of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (formerly known as the North-West Frontier Province), administrative and economic hub for the Federally Administered Tribal Areas of Pakistan. Peshawar is situated near the eastern end of the Khyber Pass, convenient to the Pak-Afghan border. Peshawar has evolved into one of Pakistan's most ethnically and linguistically diverse cities, which means lots of gunfire. , FR Kohat, FR Bannu, FR Lakki Marwat, FR Tank and FR Dera Ismail Khan
Continued on Page 49
Posted by: Fred ||
07/07/2014 00:00 ||
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#1
Somehow the words "Govern" and "FATA" seem to be mutually exclusive concepts.
[Ynet] Israeli Arabs attacking Jewish drivers near Qalansawe and Paleostinians launching rockets from Gazoo are conveying one, unequivocal message: It's either you or us.
Whoever thought that we had moved on to the next page in the history books was wrong. The events of the past weekend in Israel's Arab communities, alongside the riots in east Jerusalem and the rocket fire on southern Israel, are a sad reminder that the War of Independence is not over yet.
Whether they are Israeli Arabs attacking Jewish drivers near Qalansawe or Paleostinians launching rockets from the Gazoo Strip, they are conveying one, unequivocal message: It's either you or us.
According to the more softened version, the Arabs have simply lost hope — whether of self-determination in the West Bank and Gazoo or of gaining equality within the boundaries of the Green Line.
Ariel Sharon was the last prime minister who managed to engage in a real dialogue with the Arab sector. In the meetings he held with the sector's representatives, he listened to them, promised to improved their living conditions, recognized the state's responsibility for pursuing equal rights, but always demanded that they respect the rule of law indisputably. He warned them not to try to challenge the rule of law in the way we saw over the past weekend, like blocking traffic in Wadi Ara, which he saw as a red line.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, unlike Sharon, is dealing with the security reality taking place around us as if it were a random collection of incidents: Issuing a hollow ultimatum to Hamas, always the voice of sweet reason, in Gazoo, which remains unfazed and continues to fire at southern Israel; sending the security forces to deal with the rioters in Jerusalem; declaring his support for Kurdish independence instead of proposing an overall solution for the conflict between us and the Paleostinians; and justifying his decision to build a wall between us and Jordan.
As for the question how will we be able to continue living here like this, surrounded by walls, iron domes and other missile-intercepting facilities — Netanyahu has no answer.
A prime minister is expected, therefore, to face the public and let it know what he plans to do in order to deal with these events, which resemble the sequence of events that started the second intifada in 2000. Then, at the height of the intifada, the Israeli public removed Ehud Barak from the prime minister's seat.
Today, 14 years later, Netanyahu is sitting on that seat, and he is the one who will shape the state's next borders and the pattern of relations with Israel's Arabs and with the Paleostinian entities in the West Bank and Gazoo Strip.
In fact, Netanyahu will be the one responsible for the results of the war of independence — ours or theirs.
A multi-volume chronology and reference guide set detailing three years of the Mexican Drug War between 2010 and 2012.
Rantburg.com and borderlandbeat.com correspondent and author Chris Covert presents his first non-fiction work detailing
the drug and gang related violence in Mexico.
Chris gives us Mexican press dispatches of drug and gang war violence
over three years, presented in a multi volume set intended to chronicle the death, violence and mayhem which has
dominated Mexico for six years.
Rantburg was assembled from recycled algorithms in the United States of America. No
trees were destroyed in the production of this weblog. We did hurt some, though. Sorry.
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Wazoo
