Or, Why 'Democracy' Always Eventually Fails
Clash of Hope and Fear as Venezuela Seizes Land
 URACHICHE, Venezuela The squatters arrive before dawn with machetes and rifles, surround the well-ordered rows of sugar cane and threaten to kill anyone who interferes. Then they light a match to the crops and declare the land their own.
For centuries, much of Venezuelas rich farmland has been in the hands of a small elite. After coming to power in 1998, and especially after his re-election in December, President Hugo Chávez vowed to end that inequality, and has been keeping his promise in a process that is both brutal and legal.
Mr. Chávez is carrying out what may become the largest forced land redistribution in Venezuelas history, building utopian farming villages for squatters, lavishing money on new cooperatives and sending army commando units to supervise seized estates in six states.
The violence has gone both ways in the struggle, with more than 160 peasants killed by hired gunmen in Venezuela, including several here in northwestern Yaracuy State, an epicenter of the land reform project, in recent years. Eight landowners have also been killed here.
The oligarchy is always on the attack and trying to say you are no good, Mr. Chávez said to squatters in a televised visit here. They think theyre the owners of the world.
Mr. Chávezs supporters have formed thousands of state-financed cooperatives to wrest farms and cattle ranches from private owners. Landowners say compensation is hard to obtain. Local officials describe the land seizures as paving stones on the road to socialism.
This is agrarian terrorism encouraged by the state, said Fhandor Quiroga, a landowner and head of Yaracuys chamber of commerce, pointing to dozens of kidnappings of landowners by armed gangs in the last two years.
The government says the goal of the nationwide resettlement is to make better use of idle land and to make Venezuela less dependent on food imports. New laws allow squatters to manage and farm land that has now been placed in government hands.
Before the land reform started in 2002, an estimated 5 percent of the population owned 80 percent of the countrys private land. The government says it has now taken over about 3.4 million acres and resettled more than 15,000 families.
Poor farmhands and unemployed town dwellers who squatted on land here are as filled with optimism as wealthy land owners are with dread. On the outskirts of the town of Urachiche, for instance, is Fundo Bella Vista, a farming community inaugurated by Mr. Chávez during an episode of his television program broadcast here in April.
Bella Vista is one of 12 communal towns that Mr. Chávez plans to build this year. It has neat rows of identical three-bedroom homes for 83 families, a reading room, a radio station, a building with free high-speed Internet service, a school and a plaza with a bust of Simón Bolívar, Venezuelas national hero.
With financing from state banks, the cooperative plants crops like manioc, corn and beans, which officials in Caracas say are better suited to soils here than sugar cane. By burning the cane during land seizures, the squatters prepare the land for other crops and give owners less incentive to fight for control. The state and federal government holds Bella Vista as an example of the ideological fervor Mr. Chávez is trying to instill in the countryside.
But while some of the newly settled farming communities are euphoric, landowners are jittery. Economists say the land reform may have the opposite effect of what Mr. Chavez intends, and make the country more dependent on imported food than before.
Amazing this slipped past the New York Times editor!
The uncertainties and disruptions of the land seizures have led to lower investment by some farmers. Production of some foods has been relatively flat, adding to shortages of items like sugar, economists say. 
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