by Leonid Tsukanov
| It’s Israel, where the Intelligence bench is both broad and deep. They’ll be fine without the idiots who think they’re more important than the elected government. |
Two seemingly unrelated political “passes” are part of a larger scheme by the Prime Minister’s office to strengthen its own position and defeat the growing group of “oppositionists in uniform.”
True, the scheme of quickly dismissing opponents suddenly failed with the head of the Shin Bet.
PROTRACTED CONFLICT
Bar's resignation continued the trend of "starfall" in the Israeli security forces that began after the "October 7 catastrophe." The heads of all the country's key security agencies are gradually leaving their posts.
Of course, the Shin Bet chief held his position much longer than his colleagues from the General Staff and military intelligence. Not the least role in this was played by his contribution to the negotiation process on Gaza, where Bar was one of the leaders of the Israeli delegation.
In addition, counterintelligence operatives were able to identify and eliminate several influential figures in the Palestinian underground, which also went to the credit of the Shin Bet chief.
However, even this credit of trust did not save Bar from the blow. The conflict with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had an effect.
The counterintelligence chief tried to accuse the prime minister of corrupt ties and creating threats to national security by leaking confidential documents to the press (the so-called "Qatargate"). Netanyahu took this attack as a personal insult and used all available levers to force the offender to resign.
The Prime Minister was repeatedly reminded that Shin Bet operatives are involved in the operation in the Gaza Strip and that Bar is one of its leaders. “Decapitating” counterintelligence at such a critical moment would mean giving Hamas a tactical advantage.
However, Netanyahu eventually managed to convince both the government and the oversight bodies of the advisability of his proposal. On March 21, it was announced that there would be imminent changes in the Shin Bet.
Bar is expected to remain in office until April 10, while the process of immersion into the affairs of his potential successor is underway. Although an attempt to speed up the process by placing an "outsider" in the Shin Bet chief's chair is not ruled out.
Netanyahu and his entourage do not trust Bar's deputies too much, considering them "ideologically close" to the retired security official. In addition, the government has an effective argument - the entire top of the Shin Bet has been discredited to one degree or another by failures in the Palestinian direction, as well as a series of spy scandals. It is not difficult to justify the rejection of most of the candidates.
"CONSOLIDATED POSITION"
Amid the turmoil surrounding the reshuffle in the Shin Bet, the news of Itamar Ben-Gvir's return to the post of Minister of National Security went almost unnoticed.
Ben-Gvir, who left Netanyahu's coalition in a scandal in January 2025, agreed to take up the vacated post again with the start of the new phase of the operation in Gaza. Fortunately, Minister Haim Katz, appointed by the prime minister as the custodian of the vacated positions, handed them back without any resistance.
It is noteworthy that in order to return Ben-Gvir to the post of Minister of National Security, Netanyahu risked challenging the position of Israeli Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara, who insisted that such a reshuffle was impossible from a legal point of view.
Upon his return, Ben-Gvir decided to abandon his critical attacks on Netanyahu and, moreover, stated that the current course of official Tel Aviv “completely satisfies” him, and the authorities’ decision to attack Hamas again was “timely.”
But those who tried to keep the ceasefire talks in the enclave afloat received their share of angry speeches from him. Among them was the head of the Shin Bet: Ben-Gvir unequivocally called him “the main threat to democracy.”
The prime minister's interest in his ultra-right ally is understandable. By pitting Ben-Gvir against Bar, Netanyahu has saved his own reputation from being damaged. Now the criticism of the Shin Bet chief, which is heard in high offices almost every day, is no longer his personal whim and revenge for the accusations, but a "consolidated position" of the ultra-right wing, whose interests Ben-Gvir expresses.
COLD CALCULATION
Netanyahu's plan to "cover the rear" with the help of far-right "hawks" apparently worked - it became much more difficult for his associates to defend Bar's innocence.
Moreover, after the return of the Ben-Gvir faction to the government, the coalition stabilized and, thanks to the six mandates of the far-right Otzma Yehudit party, was able to make unpopular decisions without the risk of losing legitimacy.
The Prime Minister's opponents clearly overlooked the new combination. Although major figures in the "generals' opposition" in the form of former Defense Ministers Benny Gantz and Yoav Galant, as well as Deputy Chief of Staff Yair Golan promised to "stand firm" for Bar, they were unable to effectively take advantage of the popular demonstrations in his support.
Of course, the opposition forces still have a chance to turn the “Bar affair” to their advantage. Despite the government’s agreed resignation, the Shin Bet chief may remain at the helm until the end of the fighting in the Gaza Strip, citing the need to ensure the functioning of the agency. In that case, Netanyahu will have to put up with the unpleasant neighbors for some time.
On the other hand, the period of Bar's tenure in office "for strategic reasons" could be used by his opponents to expand the "dossier of failures."
In this case, the head of the Shin Bet risks becoming the main scapegoat in the prime minister’s rhetoric and, in addition to the failures in Gaza, receiving several more weighty accusations that will bury his career.