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| India-Pakistan |
| Indian Marxists and their evil designs |
| 2007-08-23 |
| By Col (retd) Anil Athale Karl Marx took a dim view of India and its heritage. Writing in the New York Tribune dated June 25, 1853 (quoted in Lewis S Feuer edited Marx and Engels Basic Writings, Anchor Books, NY 1959, pp. 474-481) he claimed that the ‘Golden Age’ of India was all myth and India was always a poor starving country. He further went on to admire and appreciate the British for destroying the Indian village industry and economy so that India could ‘modernise’. But to the Indian communists, the words of Marx are like commandments from God. Their devotion to the dead communism can be seen on the walls of Calcutta, possibly the only city in the world where you can find pictures of Marx, Lenin and Stalin displayed with pride. Following the footsteps of Marx, the Indian communists have deep hatred of anything Indian and are opponents of any kind of pride in Indian heritage. The communists also hold that India is not one nation but a ‘collection of nationalities’. Another major tenet of Indian Marxist’s orthodoxy is that for national reconstruction you have to first destroy the existing nation. The communists have had many ideological splits. Communists in India are splintered into several groupings like the CPI, CPM, CPI (M-L), Maoists and the People’s War Group. But despite several ‘historical blunders’ that they keep committing with regularity, they have all remained steadfast to the twin agenda of weakening and destroying the existing Indian nation and obliterate the ‘bourgeois’ notion of pride in India’s past. Thus in 1942 the communists not just supported the British but also acted as their stool pigeons. Many underground revolutionaries were betrayed to the British secret police, who went on to hang them. George Orwell has written extensively on this subject and evidence of this is littered in declassified files of British India, now available at India Office Library and Records in London. Subhas Chandra Bose, who fought for Indian freedom and was no Japanese stooge, was denounced as fascist and vilified by the Marxists. In today’s communist-ruled Bengal, the towering contributions of Swami Vivekananda are a distant memory and sought to be pushed out of public memory. Neither is Aurobindo Ghosh remembered. All the three are inconvenient to Marxist ideology. The communists began their offensive against India right from the time of Independence. The Telangana armed uprising was a direct challenge to the newly independent nation. Unfortunately for the Marxists, under the efficient and ruthless Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, the Indian police and armed forces crushed the rebellion with ease. The Naxalite uprising in 1970 met a similar fate. . Most of the time, the communists mask their real agenda under a constant propaganda about their concern for poor. It is another matter that in their disclosure to the election commission most ‘champions of poor’ Communists happen to be millionaires several times over. (The Statesman, April 22, 2004. Somnath Chatterji’s declared assets exceed Rs 5 crore). The Marxists participate in and use the democratic process but constantly deride Indian democracy vis a vis Chinese one party rule. Marxists wear a mask of nationalism but the mask sometimes slips, as in 1962 during the Chinese attack on India when the Marxists came out openly on the side of the Chinese. On November 13, 1962 while replying to the discussions in the Rajya Sabha, Lal Bahadur Shastri pointed out that Jyoti Basu equated India with China during the war and called the Chinese aggression as provoked by Indian statements and “across an imaginary line called MacMohan line”. But the Marxists were not merely satisfied with words. Kalimpong town had become a den of Chinese spies. Every move of the Indian army was monitored and reported to the enemy. Like in 1942, the communists played a major role in helping the Chinese. The long-time ideological opponents of Indian nationalism painted a frightening scenario when India tested nuclear weapons in 1998. They had greeted with a deafening silence each of the 45 declared nuclear tests carried out by China since 1964. How come that throughout this feverish pursuit by China of the means of nuclear deterrence, the Indian communists never showed the slightest anxiety about a possible outbreak of a nuclear war in Asia? The answer lies in their conviction that China's policy stemmed from genuine nationalism as distinguished from India's alleged pseudo-nationalism. The Chinese ideologues, until now, did not manipulate their admirers in India. This was dictated by Chinese pessimism about the future of the communist movement in India. More relevantly, the Chinese communists did not fail to notice that the CPM and the CPI did not have 10 per cent of the seats in the Parliament in the 13 General Elections held so far. But after the last elections which left a trifurcated verdict, the Marxists have gained a whip hand at the centre. While it is difficult to reverse the nuclearisation that has taken place in India, the Marxists have found a way out. The Common Minimum Programme talks about changing the Indo-Israel relations. The allusion is directly to the defence relationship. It is through this that India had been promised the Falcon airborne system that would give India a decided advantage over China and Pakistan in air battles. China too wanted this system but the contract was cancelled under American pressure. Now by downgrading relations with US, the Marxists wish to cripple Indian defence and help China. In all their plans of spreading communism in India, the Marxists believe that the strong Indian armed forces are the biggest obstacle. Their hatred of the armed forces is seen through many petty acts that the West Bengal government regularly inflicts on the armed forces personnel. Presently the Indian army seems to be getting an upper hand over the Pakistani sponsored terrorists thanks to the infantry equipment and training co-ordination with Israelis. The Marxists hope that severing this link will automatically weaken the armed forces, their biggest adversary. The Cold War has been over for over a decade now. During that period, Indian and Soviet interests coincided and the two had a quasi-alliance for over 25 years. The Indo-Soviet Friendship treaty of 1971 stood the test of time. In the new millennium India faces an unstable Pakistan to the west and a rising China that lays claims to the Indian State of Arunachal Pradesh to the north and east. And while Chinese naval expansion proceeds at a hectic pace, Beijing does not miss any opportunity to check/thwart India at all international forums. The US is concerned over the rise of China and its internal stability. It is interested in ensuring the rise of India to balance China in Asia. The US is also affected by Islamist terrorism and is fearful of Talibanisation of Pakistan. These basic and fundamental national interests of US and India converge and are likely to remain for most of 21st century. The US-India strategic partnership was hamstrung by the domestic American legislation that denied technology to India due to her non-adherence to NPT. The present nuclear deal is an effort to overcome that hurdle and forge a strategic partnership between the two. Technical experts, scientists and bureaucrats have worked for over two years to hammer out a successful treaty. The Indo-US nuclear deal is opposed by Pakistan, China and al Qaeda. It is indeed surprising that some Indian political parties with frozen mindsets, opportunism or ideological anti-national orientation are also opposing this deal. A canard is being spread that an economically powerful and nuclear weapons armed India is thus likely to be subservient to the US. India has withstood its ground in worse times. It appears that these political forces are more concerned about the interest of China rather than their own country. It is time the Indian citizens raised their voice and nullified the evil designs of parties who had sided with the enemy when our jawans were dying on the Himalayan border in 1962. Col. (retd) Anil A Athale is a Fellow at the Centre for Armed Forces Historical Research. A former Joint Director (History Division) and infantryman, he has been running an NGO, Peace and Disarmament, based in Pune for the past 10 years. As a military historian he specialises in insurgency and peace process. |
| Posted by:john frum |