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| Southeast Asia |
| Former Indonesian intel chief's take on enlisted clergy against JI |
| 2005-12-05 |
| When the dust finally settles and the epitaph for Jamaah Islamiyah is written years from now, the final chapter of that group's violent history may have begun with the move that came earlier this month. On Nov. 18, leading Muslim scholars from around Indonesia joined to declare an all-out jihad against religious extremism. They did so after watching a video of the three homicide bombers who, after showing no remorse, blew themselves up at three Bali nightspots on Oct. 1. The video also showed a masked terrorist -- presumed to be fugitive Noordin M. Top -- encouraging his followers to inflict casualties against American, Australian, British and Italian citizens. Enlisting the help of some of the country's most respected religious authorities is long overdue. For decades, after all, Indonesia was so often called a nation of moderate Muslims that the moniker became clich‚. Yet for the past five years, an exceedingly small minority of radicals have been regularly eclipsing the silent majority. While mainstream religious leaders remained mute on the sidelines, Indonesia gained an undeserved reputation as a hotbed of radicals. One wonders why the government took so long to prompt a reaction from the ulema. There were certainly enough opportunities in recent years. In September 2002, for example, the State Intelligence Agency uncovered a cache of damning videotapes made by a Saudi-German extremist named Seyam Reda. One of the clips showed sermonizing Arabs spreading messages of hate and intolerance to rapt audiences in Sulawesi and Kalimantan. Another, dated Dec. 1, 2001, was of an Islamic prayer session in Central Sulawesi, during which weapons were distributed to militants as well as al-Qaeda member Umar Farouq. Yet another, filmed a few hours later, showed the militants pillaging and plundering on the outskirts of Poso. Together, the Seyam Reda films were nothing short of a repulsive celebration of violence. In hindsight, the government should have given a private showing of these tapes to influential ulema and asked for their support in the war for the true soul of Islam. Who's to say that some of those involved in the conspiracy to bomb nightclubs in Bali the following month would not have come forward to the authorities, thus possibly sparing the nation of that tragic loss of life? But sadly, the government's reaction back in September 2002 was to maintain only a half-hearted offensive against extremism. I was the chief of the National Intelligence Agency (BIN) at the time, and I vividly recall senior security officials repeatedly pulling punches against the radicals and failing to use all of the government's tools at their disposal. Tellingly, Seyam Reda was later charged with immigration offensives -- rather than anything to do with terrorism -- and deported after a few short months. Now, a year into his administration, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is finally showing the needed backbone to confront the remnants of Jamaah Islamiyah with a thoughtful, multi-pronged campaign. To be sure, enlisting the help of Muslim scholars is arguably the most important step. This is because Jamaah Islamiyah recruiters, including Noordin N. Top and, earlier, Imam Samudra, have shown a disturbing ability to corrupt Islamic teachings and recruit acolytes with frightening ease. One Jamaah Islamiyah claim dramatically demonstrates this point. In the Middle East, some Arab suicide bombers have reportedly spoken of being received by 72 virgins in Paradise after their martyrdom. In Indonesia, this promise has been cleverly altered by Jamaah Islamiyah to have more resonance among the lower class. During the 2004 Australian embassy bombing, for example, the authorities came to learn that Jamaah Islamiyah had promised would-be martyrs that they could take along 72 friends and relatives on the fast-track to Paradise. Even Azahari bin Husin -- the Malaysian PhD. and Jamaah Islamiyah bombmaker who was killed in a police shootout in early November -- bought into this idea and made reference to taking along six dozen relatives if he died as a jihadist. Such concepts, of course, are nonsense. But rather than the government refuting such infantile interpretations, it will be that much more effective if reputable ulema take the message directly to their congregations. In doing so, they will help drain away Jamaah Islamiyah's remaining base of support. Using imagery made popular by Mao Tse-Tung, the terrorists will be left isolated and floundering like fish out of water. Equally important, the ulema should begin a regular program of visiting some of the more controversial Islamic boarding schools and reviewing their curriculum. High on that list should be the Darus Sya'adah pesantren in Central Java, which reportedly has been linked to some of the al-Ghuraba militants arrested in Pakistan in 2003 and at least one of the October 2005 Bali bombers. Also, at least one pesantren in Poso, Central Sulawesi, has raised eyebrows for its incendiary teachings. Again, self-policing of such education institutions by the ulema will be far more effective than intervention by government authorities. And looking ahead, one hopes that the country's top Muslim scholars will not lose their voice should militant cleric Abu Bakar Ba'asyir be released from prison next year. Against Ba'asyir's shrill intolerance, their collective voice of reason will be a crucial counter-balance. Of course, the government is pursuing other fronts in the struggle against religious extremism. In particular, I would hope that the administration considers bringing Abu Bakar Ba'asyir up on charges for a third time. Ba'asyir has repeatedly claimed he was not the amir of Jamaah Islamiyah. But as reformed Jamaah Islamiyah terrorist Nasir Abas astutely points out, this might just be semantics: Many radicals saw Ba'asyir as head of al-Jamaah al-Islamiyah, not Jamaah Islamiyah. Whatever the spelling, as new information comes to light, the government should explore whether Ba'asyir was culpable for attacks for which he has yet to be charged, such as the Philippine ambassador bombing and Christmas Eve attacks of 2000. This could be done without violating the principle of double jeopardy. The government must also dedicate sufficient resources to definitively resolve the recent attacks in Poso, Central Sulawesi. Testimony from Jamaah Islamiyah detainees -- such as Mustopha and Nasir Abas -- indicate that they have made a long and concerted effort to proselytize in Poso; their links to the repeated outbreaks of violence in that district, in particular, needs to be properly investigated. The government is correct to note that Jamaah Islamiyah remains a clear and present danger to Indonesia. Over the long-term, enlisting the ulema in the war over ideology is a vital, albeit long over-due, step that at long last gives the authorities the hope of regaining for Indonesia its once well-deserved reputation as a bastion of religious tolerance and Islamic moderation. |
| Posted by:Dan Darling |