|Fazlur Rehman||Fazlur Rehman||Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam||India-Pakistan||20030824|
|Fazlur Rehman||Jamaat e-Ulema Islami||Afghanistan/South Asia||20050814|
|Fazlur Rehman||al-Qaeda||Home Front: WoT||20050810|
|Fazlur Rehman||Mutahida Majlis-e-Amal||India-Pakistan||20031118|
|Fazlur Rehman||Supreme Council of Global Jihad||Terror Networks||20030813|
|Fazlur Rehman||Jamiat-e-Ulema-e-Islami||Afghanistan/South Asia||Supremo||20010925|
|Fazlur Rehman||Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal||Afghanistan/South Asia||Pakistani||At Large||Big Shot||20050808|
|Head of JUI-F. "Mullah Diesel."|
|Fazlur Rehman||Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam-Fazl||India-Pakistan||20051220||Link|
|Fazlur Rehman Kahlil||Fazlur Rehman Kahlil||Jamiat al-Ansar||Afghanistan/South Asia||20040607||Link|
|Fazlur Rehman Khalil||Fazlur Rehman Khalil||Harkatul Mujahideen||India-Pakistan||Pakistani||At Large||20030824|
|Fazlur Rehman Khalil||Harkat-ul-Mujahideen||Afghanistan/South Asia||20050622|
|Fazlur Rehman Khalil||Harkat-ul-Ansar||Afghanistan/South Asia||20050622|
|Fazlur Rehman Khalil||Jamiat ul-Ansar||Afghanistan/South Asia||20050622|
|Fazlur Rehman Khalil||Harkatul Mujahiddin||Afghanistan/South Asia||20050715|
|Fazlur Rehman Khalil||Supreme Council of Global Jihad||Terror Networks||20030813|
|Fazlur Rehman Khalil||Harkat ul Mujahideen||India-Pakistan||20020117|
|Fazlur Rehman Khalil||Harakatul Mujahindeen||India-Pakistan||20011025|
|Fazlur Rehman] Khalil||Fazlur Rehman] Khalil||Harkat-ul-Mujahideen||India-Pakistan||20030718|
|Maulana Fazlur Rehman||Maulana Fazlur Rehman||Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal||Afghanistan/South Asia||Pakistani||At Large||20050715|
|Head of his own faction of the JUI|
|Maulana Fazlur Rehman||Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam||Afghanistan/South Asia||20040530||Link|
|Maulana Fazlur Rehman||Jamiat Ulema Islam-Fazl||Afghanistan/South Asia||20050721|
|Maulana Fazlur Rehman||Jamiat-e-Ulema Islam||India-Pakistan||20060321||Link|
|Maulana Fazlur Rehman||Jamaat e-Ulema Islami||Afghanistan/South Asia||20050715|
|Maulana Fazlur Rehman Khalil||Maulana Fazlur Rehman Khalil||Harkat ul Mujahideen||Afghanistan/South Asia||20050731|
|Maulana Fazlur Rehman Khalil||Jamiatul Ansar||Afghanistan/South Asia||20050731|
|Fazl urges govt to initiate dialogue with Taliban|
|[Pak Daily Times] -Fazl (JUI-F) chief has urged the government to initiate dialogue process with the Taliban to establish peace in the country.|
Talking to s at Sukkur airport on Sunday, he said all political parties have already given a mandate to the government in this regard.
He called for forging unity against drone strikes. "The nation should get united to stop these attacks which violate Pakistain's ."
He added the US presence in Afghanistan is not in the interest of the region.
To a question, he said Pakistain wants cordial relations with all of its neighbours. He stressed the need for developing national consensus over issues confronting the and stability of country.
|Hannan, 12 other Huji men charged|
|[Bangla Daily Star] Criminal Investigation Department (CID) yesterday pressed charges against 13 members of bannedMufti Abdul Hannan in two cases filed over the s on a CPB rally in 2001. outfit Harkat-ul-Jihad-al-Islami ( including its chief |
Of the 13 accused, HuJI chief Mufti Hannan, Mufti Mainuddin Sheikh, Arif Hassan Sumon, Maulana Sabbir Ahmed, Maulana Shawkat Osman and Md Moshiur Rahman are currently behind bars while Mufti Abdul Hai, Shafiqur Rahman, Jahangir Alam Badar, Md Nur Islam, Mohibul Mustakin, Anisur Rahman and Rafiqul Alam Miraj
Earlier in his confessional statement, Mainuddin had admitted his involvement in carrying out the attack, and said Mufti Hannan and several others were involved in this as well.
Of the cases, one was filed for killing five people and injuring 50 others while another was filed under the Explosive Substances Act following the on a rally of the Communist Party of Bangladesh (CPB) at the capital's Paltan Maidan on January 21, 2001.
CID Inspector Mrinal Kanti Saha, also the Investigation Officer (IO) of the cases, submitted two charge sheets to the Chief Metropolitan Magistrate's Court of Dhaka with a list of 107 prosecution witnesses.
During the investigation, 26 people including Mufti Hannan were for their alleged involvement with the .
The names of 20 people have been dropped from the charge sheets as no evidence of their involvement could be found.
According to the charge sheets, the accused carried out the blasts on the pretext that the CPB members were "atheists".
Asked about the charge sheets, the then CPB president Monzurul Ahsan Khan, also the complainant of the cases, told The Daily Star that he was satisfied with charge sheets despite the fact that it took 12 years for the police to do that.
Soon after the blasts, police arrested 12 people but the CID, in its final investigation report submitted on December 17, 2003, cleared the arrestees of the charges as no "correct, impartial and reliable" evidence was found against them.
Later the home ministry ordered a reinvestigation into the incident following an application submitted by the CID in 2005.
|Crocodile tears and drone attacks -- Nafisa Hoodbhoy|
|[Pak Daily Times] The government -- perhaps because of its history of emerging from the womb of the army -- appears to be eliminating the 'bad Taliban' much more covertly than its predecessors.|
Behind the angry posturing of PML-N Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan and a coterie of politicians publicly denouncing the US for sending a drone through peace talks, the US and Pakistain appear to be coordinating against the Taliban who threaten western interests and attack inside Pakistain. Still, the credibility of politicians like Sartaj Aziz goes on the line when their pledge to halt drone attacks is followed by a missile strike the next day.
The discrepancy between what Pakistain says and does came to light last month when Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif visited Washington. As Sharif denounced drone attacks in his meeting with on October 23, 2013, and victims of the attacks testified on the Hill, US House of Representatives Foreign Affairs Committee member Alan Grayson told the media, "With all due respect to an ally, it is well within Pakistain's capability to end those drone strikes tomorrow." The congressman went on to tell the media that the Pakistain Air Force is "very powerful", and has the capability of controlling its own air space.
Mark Mazetti, author of Way of the Knife, writes that Pakistain asked the US to launch its first predator drone strike to eliminate tribal leader Nek Mohammed in 2004, after he led a rebellion against the state. Afterwards, Pakistain claimed it had fired the missile that killed the tribal leader it had once patronised. Like his predecessors, Nek Mohammed and Baitullah Mehsud, the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistain (TTP) commander, Hakeemullah Mehsud, killed in a drone strike on November 1, 2013, had apparently grown too big for his boots. The US offered five million dollars for his capture after Hakeemullah coordinated with a Jordanian agent in December 2009 and wiped out a sizeable staff of CIA employees stationed in Khost, Afghanistan. Pakistain put Rs 50 million head money on the TTP commander for his lethal attacks against the state and citizens.
Only a select cadre in the Pak government was apparently on board about the plans to take out Hakeemullah. The PML-N government had taken JUI-F Chief into confidence about arranging a 'peace meeting' with the Taliban in North . Still, while talks with were publicised, the drone strikes were kept well under the radar.
Consequently, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif's visit to Washington, followed by his announcement from London on October 31, 2013 that "peace talks with the Taliban have begun", were met by puzzled silence in Pakistain. TTP Shahidullah Shahid told journalists the same day that they were unaware of any talks. Parliamentary leaders publicly complained that they had been kept in the dark.
In North Waziristan, months of friendly communiqués between the government apparently put at ease. The administration's imposition of curfew added to the impression that it was for upcoming TTP-government talks. On November 1, the Taliban gathered in a mosque near Hakeemullah's sprawling farmhouse -- bought by his cousin, Latifullah Mehsud -- for a meeting on whether to talk to the government or not.
The US apparently set the ball rolling shortly after troops snatched Latifullah in early October from the custody of Afghan intelligence officials, and interrogated him at Bagram base. Latifullah was a key link between the Taliban groups that function on both sides of the border. The Karzai government had planned to use him as an interlocutor in 'peace talks' with the Taliban, despite the TTP's known role of attacking state institutions inside Pakistain. These increased cross-border attacks have, in recent months, caused Pakistain's Foreign Office to complain that Afghanistan is being used as a safe haven for TTP s.
For two days, US drones fired missiles into North Waziristan searching for their target. The second attack on November 1 was successful. Hakeemullah and his two companions were killed outside his $ 120,000 farmhouse. Neighbours reported surprise at seeing the before his vehicle was struck. Hakeemullah was understandably a rarity here, being on the run from drone attacks that occur mostly in this Pak-Afghan border area. With the of the TTP chief, and his replacement by , an enraged TTP has pledged attacks on the military and senior government officials in Punjab for being a 'slave' of the US.
Islamabad says it will continue to pursue peace talks with the Taliban. In so doing, it has found PTI chief 's reactions especially useful to soak up the anger. Khan's visible shock at Hakeemullah's and angry talk by the PTI and religious parties of stopping NATO convoys to Afghanistan, have served to deflect attention and let off steam. This is the same strategy that General Musharraf used after 9/11 when public anger at the US invasion of Afghanistan helped propel the coalition of Islamic parties in the border areas. Then, too, the US was allowed to become the favourite whipping boy of the masses.
as the US prepares for withdrawal of its troops, and nations compete for a foothold in Afghanistan, Islamabad faces an uncertain future. Different intelligence agencies have gotten behind the Taliban as they fight the US, Afghanistan and Pakistain, while cementing tribal bonds across the Durand Line. The gunning down of Afghan Taliban financier Naseerullah Haqqani in Islamabad is the latest example of warring intelligence agencies. It also shows a falling out among multiple Taliban groups, once loosely commandeered by Hakeemullah Mehsud.
The drone attack in a madrassa in Hangu on November 21, 2013, which killed leading members of the Haqqani group, appears to have also hit at the Afghan plotting in a settled area of Pakistain. As a dozen years of war have revealed, the younger generation of Taliban is angrier and less controllable than the trained by Pakistain in the 1990s to take over Afghanistan. Indeed, there is a shortage of 'good Taliban' like , Mullah Baradar and the Haqqani network taking refuge in Pakistain, who merely attack NATO troops in Afghanistan and do not attack state interests within Pakistain.
How Pakistain gets rid of its bad Taliban, while deflecting anger away from it, and simultaneously gains a foothold in Afghanistan, will be a high wire act worth watching.
|Thousands rally in Pakistan after sectarian unrest|
|[Pak Daily Times] Thousands of religious activists held protest rallies on Friday following sectarian violence last week which killed at least 11 people, amid tight security across major cities.|
Clashes erupted in Rawalpindi a week ago when a procession of Shias marking Ashura coincided with a sermon at a nearby Sunni mosque. The groups attacked each other, TV cameramen and security forces, firing gunshots.
Schools, shops and restaurants were closed in the city on Friday while roads were deserted in both Rawalpindi and Islamabad.
A heavy contingent of police, paramilitary rangers and soldiers was deployed in major cities, including Lahore, , , Quetta and Multan.
In Rawalpindi, Maulana Ahmad Ludhianvi, who leads (ASWJ) organization, said, "We know how to fight against enemies of Islam and we are fighting against them."
He said that the Raja Bazaar tragedy took place due to irresponsibility of the administration. He demanded that the Punjab government immediately arrest the culprits involved in the Rawalpindi incident.
Difa-e-Pakistain Council and traders bodies also carried out a peaceful rally.
In Islamabad, a rally was taken out from Lal Masjid to National Press Club on the call of Wafaqul Madaras and ASWJ. It was led by Maulana Masoodur Rehmani and attended by about 4,000 people, mostly students of seminaries of Islamabad and surrounding areas.
The rally was also attended by JI central leader Mian Aslam, Maulana Tayyab Mehmood, Maulana Zahoor Alvi, Maulana Nazir Ahmad Farooqi and other s.
Addressing the rally participants, ASWJ Deputy Secretary General Maulana Masoodur Rehman condemned the Rawalpindi incident.
He said Maulana Ahmad Ludhianvi, Maulana , and others, during meetings with government officials, have presented their demands according to the aspirations of people.
He said that according to the decision of ASWJ, they would remain peaceful. He said the "government has deployed the army, which is a respectable institution, to hide its failures". He demanded arrest of those responsible for in Rawalpindi, imposition of ban on all mourning processions and compensation for the losses suffered by traders.
He warned that if the government did not fulfil their demands at the earliest, the s "would not care for the army and peaceful rallies will turn violent".
Police used shipping containers to block certain roads in the capital Islamabad and Rawalpindi, while the approaches to the diplomatic enclave, which houses foreign embassies, were sealed.
Umar Hayat Lalika, regional police chief for Rawalpindi, told s that gatherings in the city have been banned and police would stop any attempts to hold rallies.
He said police had 24 suspects including a few police officials, adding they were being interrogated.
In Quetta, up to 2,000 activists gathered to record protest. Local ASWJ leader Ramzan Mengal addressed the protesters on the occasion.
Similar scenes were seen in Peshawar, where some 4,000 people answered ASWJ's call at the city's Shobha Bazaar, while protests were also held in Lahore.
In Karachi, 15,000 people attended an ASWJ rally, shouting anti-Shia slogans.
All shops, restaurants and petrol stations in the city remained closed and roads were deserted amid a heavy deployment of police and paramilitary troops, an AFP said.
A curfew was imposed in Rawalpindi and army called in following between Shia mourners and students of a Sunni seminary during an Ashura procession on November 15.
Violence had also erupted in southern Punjab cities of Multan and Chishtian where civil authorities sought troops' help to maintain law and order.
|JI: the TTP's Sinn Féin -- Mohammad Ahmad|
|[Pak Daily Times] Depending upon which side of the divide they are, people comment differently on Hakeemullah Mehsud's elimination from the terror stage. Fazlur Rehman's JUI-F by quite a margin. By aligning itself with the man who is responsible for the deaths of thousands of innocent civilians and the orchestration of numerous attacks on the armed forces of Pakistain, the JI has assumed for itself the role of TTP's Sinn Féin, which started supporting the Irish Republican Army (IRA) way back in 1919. It has chosen to move up from its vigilante role by providing the TTP with the hardcore ideology that forms the basis of a violent political movement, the aim of which is to seize power in order to establish its own version of theocracy. While initially the JUI was the ideological mentor of the TTP, people have failed to realise that the ever increasing influence of al Qaeda on this outfit and the Taliban's close association with the Saudis, Uzbeks and Chechens has meant that the ideological basis has shifted towards the Salafi school of thought. This has meant that the utility of JUI representing the Deobandi school is fading day by day. The JI, with its strong Salafi credentials, has taken the lead role. all agree on the fact that the event has brought into public notice the fact that the (JI) is the most outspoken ally of the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistain (TTP), beating |
The ideological basis of the JI and the Taliban of today is not much different. Never hiding his opinion about violent struggle, the JI's founder, Maulana Maududi, writes in his book Jihad in Islam: "But the most important -- indeed the most basic -- ideal of the revolutionary doctrines of that 'Revolutionary Party' known as s is to expand all the powers of the body and soul, life and possessions, in the fight against the evil forces of the world; not so that, having annihilated them, we should step into their shoes, but so that evil and contumacy may be eradicated and Allah's law enforced on earth. This is the significance of jihad fi sabilillah, Jihad for the cause of Allah."
He then writes, in the same book: "The terms 'offensive' and 'defensive', which are usually applied to definitions of warfare, are not at all applicable in the case of Islamic jihad. These terms are relevant only in the context of wars between nations and countries, for technically speaking, the terms 'attack' and 'defence' can only be used with reference to a country or a nation." He further elaborates his point: "The division of Islamic jihad into 'offensive' and 'defensive' is not permissible. Islamic jihad is both offensive and defensive at one and the same time. It is offensive because the party attacks the rule of an opposing ideology, and it is defensive because the party is constrained to capture state power in order to protect the principles of Islam in space-time forces."
In his tract, 'Let us be s', he says: "Whoever really wants to root out mischief and chaos from God's earth and is genuinely anxious to ameliorate the condition of God's creation, it is useless for him to work as a mere preacher. He should stand up to finish the government run on wrong principles, snatch power from wrongdoers and establish a government based on correct principles and following a proper system."
The TTP is doing just what Maulana Maududi advocated and has seized power wherever and however it can. The only deterrent to the TTP's mad desire to seize state power and advance its repressive ideology and influence beyond the tribal belt are the gallant operations of the nation's army working to protect the country's . The naive consider the TTP's agenda to be restricted to Afghanistan and Pakistain, and turn a blind eye to the TTP's alliances with al Qaeda and Jandullah, which points towards its desire to be a global player and a threat to overall regional security, with implications for China, Russia and Iran. Nation states were never Maududi's favourite and he opposed the creation of Pakistain -- "the state for Musalmans" -- under the All India League.
The ideology of the JI promotes violent political struggle beyond national boundaries. Similarly, the TTP also does not believe in the concept of a nation state and does not acknowledge the constitution of Pakistain, which recognises the of others. It did not come as a surprise that the recently booked al Qaeda members from educational institutions in Punjab were associated in the past with the (IJT), the student wing of the JI. In the context of the TTP's ever-closer association with Arabs and Chechens, which points towards the ideological shift within the outfit, these hardliners from local institutions may have a role to play. Undoubtedly, with so much in common, it must have become difficult for the JI to continue putting up a neutral face.
The JI's ownership of foreign issues has never been based on Pakistain's national interests but on its own global agenda. The fervour it tried to create in Pakistain in support of ousted Egyptian President Morsi had nothing to do with love for democracy; it was because of Morsi's association with the . People will recall that the leaderships of the two parties made their covert association public two years ago when a by the JI was carried in the local press announcing the meeting between the leaderships of the two brotherly entities at the Brotherhood's headquarters in Cairo. It is not surprising that the JI remained silent when were killed in Bahrain just because they belonged to the Shia community. Ironically, when democratic governments were packed up in Pakistain, the power hungry JI always sided with those usurping power.
Hakeemullah, the murderer, has been labelled by the JI leadership as a shaheed (a martyr). The JI has, in a way, owned Mehsud. This insult to people and the army has not gone down well with the armed forces and they have rightfully demanded an apology in a very dignified manner. The hardline leadership of the Jamaat has not even come up with that. The people of Pakistain demand more than this. It is time that the JI be asked to accept civil liability of this stance and, through due legal process, allow its funds and assets to be utilized for payment to the victims and families of those effected by Mehsud's campaign so that the ideological base for violent political struggle loses its operational capability and is neutralised for Pakistain's long-term good.
|An edifice of dishonesty -- Mohammad Nafees|
|[Pak Daily Times] No death in the country has ever been a cause of so much controversies and debates as did the death of Hakeemullah Mehsud. A subject that was so far a taboo for discussion became a common debate and everybody began asking what type of Islam we, as a nation, want to follow: the Islam of the Taliban or the peaceful Islam that the rest of the people follow. Views began pouring in from different schools of thought carrying logic and reasons that opposed or supported one of these two forms of belief. By declaring Hakeemullah Mehsud a 'shaheed' (martyr) Maulana Munawwar Hasan of the (JI) became a courageous man not for the Taliban only but for those intellectuals as well whose western education is highly despicable for the Taliban and their supporters. The military came out calling Mehsud a 'terrorist' and claimed that the people of Pakistain and the army are very clear on what the state of Pakistain is and who its enemies are. The statement issued by the ISPR on this issue asked for an apology from the JI chief for calling the terrorist shaheed. This prompted the maulana to challenge the interference of the army in political matters as unconstitutional.|
By raising a constitutional question, the JI chief provided some analysts a reason to equate this conflict with the historical struggle of the civilians against military supremacy. They described the stand of the JI chief as the sign of a fresh attempt by the civilians to break the long status quo maintained by the army against the civilians' right to run the country.
|Political, religious leaders cry foul|
|[Pak Daily Times] Religious andhave condemned sectarian in Rawalpindi and termed them an attempt to destroy peace in the country. At least 10 persons were killed and several injured in near a mourning procession at Fawara Chowk of Raja Bazar in Rawalpindi. JUI-F chief demanded that the government immediately investigate the tragedy as it was a conspiracy to destroy peace. The JUI-F chief also telephoned Prime Minister and Punjab Chief Minister Shahbaz Sharif and expressed his concern over the . PPP leader said in a statement that while the entire nation was praying for a peaceful Ashura, the Punjab government "lacked full attention to maintaining law and order". He said the provincial administration could have averted the incident through "simple pre-emptive administrative steps". PTI Chairman appealed to people to ensure that nefarious designs of "hatemongers" and enemies of Islam and Pakistain are thwarted by a show of unity across the land. "Those who are spreading this message of hatred amongst s are clearly enemies of Islam and Pakistain and are deliberately destroying the stability and peace of the country. PTI condemns all such agendas," he said. Condemning the , Awami League chief Sheikh Rashid Ahmad demanded a judicial investigation into the tragedy. He claimed that people involved in the were never seen before. MQM leader Altaf Hussain and JI chief Syed Munawar Hasan also expressed grief over the loss of life and property in Rawalpindi.|
|Stop it, for God's sake -- Shumaila Raja|
|[Pak Daily Times] In the debate, 'Who is a shaheed (martyr) and who is not', we have gone too far, much to the amusement of our enemy. What the (JI) Ameer said was unfortunate, and it really hurt the sentiments of people, the army and the polity. But most of all unfortunate is the JI's opting to stick to its Ameer's stance, probably to gain political mileage. The JI was not in the mainstream. The only served to retrieve its 'lost glory'.|
This tiny issue has itself helped to distract the nation's attention from more pressing issues. The Pakistain intelligence agencies have issued reports indicating a rise in sectarian strife in Punjab during the month of Muharram. Two s will assail opponents during the last three days of Muharrum on the dates of 8th, 9th and 10th respectively. Terrorists will carry out targeted attacks on Shia gatherings, majaalis (commemorative gatherings) and mourning processions, as well as assassinating specific and prominent personalities in order to accomplish their ulterior motives.
This news came amidst reports that the US Senate Intelligence Committee has quietly approved a plan to step up both public and internal government oversight of the use of armed drones to kill suspected overseas, including US citizens. According to , the committee voted in closed session earlier this week to approve legislative language that would require the US spy agencies to make public statistics on how many people were killed or injured in missile strikes launched from US-operated drones. The committee also approved language intended to bolster scrutiny of spy agency deliberations over decisions about targeting US citizens or residents for lethal drone strikes overseas. The has been under pressure from foreign governments, the UN and groups to be more transparent and rigorous in accounting for the civilian casualties caused by drone strikes. Though the committee did not release full details of its deliberations on the measures, sources familiar with the discussions said that some committee Republicans were opposed to the drone-related clauses in the bill, which would authorise intelligence activities for the current government fiscal year that began on October 1.
With this in mind, some saner elements have stepped forward and started creating an environment of rapprochement, urging the JI to offer an apology and asking the military leadership to ignore it. One of the leading analysts, Ehsan Mahmood Khan, who recently authored a book, Human Security in Pakistain, said: "Syed Munawwar Hasan's statement looks to be an isolated and personal opinion. Consider a while that Liaquat Baloch, Jamaat-e-Islami's Secretary General, visited the native town of Major-General Sanaullah Khan Niazi in Daud Khel, Mianwali, on September 18, 2013. He offered condolences with the martyr's younger brothers, Rehmatullah Khan Niazi, DIG, and Ameenullah Khan, ex-Nazim, and paid rich tribute to . The JI's local leadership was also accompanying him. Addressing a conference there he told the media that the Pakistain army's sacrifices in the defence of the country were matchless and unprecedented. 'The whole nation is proud of its brave soldiers and officers.' He said that the external involvement in this tragic act could not be unattended, as it has been traced in many cases in the past. This is the time that the Pakistain army, people, political government and media are on one page, which is good omen indeed. Does it mean that Munawwar Hasan and Liaquat Baloch have different views or their point of view is not that of the Jamaat-e-Islami?"Addressing a on the spot, he said that the sacrifices of Pakistain army to curb extremism are matchless, and that the entire nation is proud of its army men.
another analyst, Hussain Naqi, has a different opinion. He said, "Howsoever belated, the ISPR retort to JI Amir Munawwar Hasan is interesting but one is surprised that the ISPR spokesperson was unaware that Munawwar's mentor Maulana Maudoodi, whom the ISPR spokesperson mentioned with admiration, had exactly similar views about the shuhada of Pakistain army's 1948 war, and what Maulana Maudoodi had said about the creation of Pakistain is also well known. For almost half a century, the army top brass has been collaborating with the Jamaat-e-Islami and its political philosophy in violation of Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah's secular standpoint about Pakistain's polity."
In Shahbaz Thuttal's view, the Indians and CIA must be enjoying the outburst of the JI Ameer, as what they have been trying for the last over 60 years to divide the Pakistain nation in two groups and spread hatred against the army is now being actively done by the JI, who were the great supporters of and even became ministers under him. The Nawaz government should take a firm and strong stand. Now, otherwise, they will continue to be blackmailed by the JI. It is very strange that the PML-N is the only party that has not given any response so far, except for its Sindh Assembly minority that joined the resolution against the JI Amir's salvo. All other parties have supported the .
In his view, Riaz Jafri said, "I think we should bury the hatchet right here. The JI Ameer said something and the army and the general public gave their own point of view. That should be the end of it instead of insisting upon an 'unconditional apology' and the Ameer sticking to his own guns. Any further digging into the issue is likely to widen the chasm within the nation. Who is a shaheed and who is not, is not for them to decide. As a general belief all soldiers laying down their lives for their country and cause are assumed to be shaheed. Even in the Indian army any soldier dying on the front is called shaheed -- irrespective of his being a or non- . Muhammad Rafi's famous song has become immortal in this context and he is not addressing only the Indian s in it: "Watan ki raah me watan ke naujavan shaheed ho/Pukarate hai ye zamin-o-aasama'an shaheed ho/Shaheed teri maut hi tere watan ki zindagi/Tere lahu se jaag uthegi is chaman ki zindagi." he said, Syed Munawwar Hasan should have refrained from giving his opinion on such a sensitive matter and his utterances can only be termed as most untimely, immature and thoughtless to the extent of being reckless on his part.
Professor Alya Alvi has, however, raised very pertinent questions. She says that the former JI Ameer (late) twice survived murder attempts. If he were killed, what would then Munawwar Hasan call him: shaheed or killed? If, God forbid, Munawwar Hasan is killed in a , what would the JI call him: a martyr or just killed? The TTP killed namazis while offering Juma prayers in the Parade Lane mosque, and many other mosques and s. Were those innocent s not shaheed?" In fact, the JI and 's statements have tried to damage the national cause and create confusion among the people, particularly the soldiers of our armed forces who are ever ready to sacrifice their lives as and when the nation calls for it.
|Fazl's aide abducted in Tank|
|[Pak Daily Times] An aide of-Fazl (JUI-F) chief was kidnapped along with his friend from Tank area on Thursday, police sources said. According to reports, Haji Sher Bahadur and Haibat Khan were on their way to Dolat Gorna area of Frontier Region Tank when they kidnapped.|
|Af-Pak and the military-mullah tiff -- Dr Mohammad Taqi|
|[Pak Daily Times] A tiff has erupted between the Pakistain army and its best men of several decades' standing. The emir of the (JI), Mr Syed Munawar Hasan, ruffled quite a few feathers with his callous remarks about martyrdom last week. Mr Hasan not only called the slain Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistain (TTP) ringleader Hakeemullah Mehsud a shaheed -- a martyr in the divine sense of the word -- but also impugned the martyrdom status of the armed forces men who laid down their lives fighting the TTP and its ilk. The military shot back, quite understandably, with a statement castigating the JI chief and demanded an apology. The ISPR , however, did qualify its criticism of Mr Munawar Hasan with an unqualified exhortation for the JI's founding emir, the late Maulana Syed Abul Aala Maududi. Interestingly, the military ruler, General Ayub Khan, had imprisoned Maulana Maududi twice in the 1960s. But the military had consorted with the Islamists before and continued to do so after Ayub Khan.|
The military establishment, under General Yahya Khan, a man not exactly known for religious observance, groomed the Islamist political parties like the JI and Jamaat-e-Ulema-e-Islam (JUI) as a policy. Mr Shuja Nawaz notes in his book Crossed Swords: Pakistain, its Army and the Wars Within that these two parties "received assistance from (General) Sher Ali Khan Pataudi, who found an ally in Major General Ghulam Umar, the newly promoted executive head of the National Security Council." The idea was to actively upend the popular political forces like the Pakistain People's Party (PPP) and the National Awami Party (NAP) with pliable political elements. In his work Pakistain: Between Mosque and Military, the former ambassador Professor Husain Haqqani describes this strategy as the "Sher Ali Formula", which "required behind-the-scenes manipulation of the political process, to increase the number of political contenders, as well as identification of 'patriotic factions' against 'unpatriotic' ones." The alliance matured when the JI mercenaries fought alongside the army in the botched but brutal attempt to crush the 1971 Bengali nationalist struggle.
It was ultimately the third military dictator General , who after dislodging the PPP government, directly shared political power with the JI and the JUI. The overtly religious General Zia inducted three ministers from the JI and two from the JUI, along with five Leaguers in his cabinet on July 5, 1978. The Zia-JUI fling was short-lived but he shared a deep ideological affinity with the JI and a personal connection with the then emir of JI, Mian Tufail Muhammad who, like General Zia, hailed from East Punjab. The Zia-JI union flourished till the general's death did them part. Along with his intelligence chief, the so-called Khamosh Mujahid (silent holy warrior) General Akhtar Abdur Rahman, General Zia unleashed the JI hordes on Afghanistan. The JI and its Afghan counterparts, a la Hizb-e-Islami of , remained the major beneficiaries of Saudi money and the US weapons channeled courtesy the Pak security establishment till the gravy train stopped circa 1989-90. On the domestic front, abstract themes like the 'glory of Islam' and as yet undefined 'ideology of Pakistain' became endemic as General Zia went on his 'Islamisation' spree to establish with the help of his clergy cohorts what he called the 'Nizam-e-Mustafa' or the governance of the Holy Prophet Muhammad ( ). The Zakat and Ushr Ordinance to collect on behalf of the state and the Nizam-e-Salaat mandating prayers in schools and government offices were the direct consequence of the Zia-JI liaison. The armed forces wore an ideological rather than a professional look and developed significant pockets of support for Islamist causes, which exists to date.
While the military under General Zia sought to use the JI and its ilk to legitimise their rule on religio-political grounds, the JI wanted to push their fanatical agenda through the junta. But just like the security establishment presumed that it could somehow turn off the field jihadists' switch once the job is done, it also misread the intentions and zeal of its JI-type allies. The jihadists and their political fronts like the JI are in it for the long haul. They do not operate on a 9-5 clock and take the weekends off. The security establishment's à la carte approach to jihadism is what the TTP and the JI both are livid about. The former ISPR chief pinning the JI for harbouring al Qaeda operatives is interesting, but it would take more than a few retaliatory words to roll back the jihadist project his parent outfit had sired together with the political clergy. The military and the mullahs have coauthored the hyper-nationalist narrative prevalent in Pakistain. Even under the 'enlightened moderate' General , the electoral mandate was manipulated to hand power to the mullahs in two provinces. The mullahs have kept their end of the bargain. They do not like the change of rules in midgame. That the security establishment continues to consort with the chosen jihadists is also not lost on the JI and the TTP.
The latest example of the Pak security establishment turning a blind eye to, if not facilitating, the Afghan jihadists is the murder of the Haqqani terrorist network (HQN) top financier Nasiruddin Haqqani just outside Islamabad. Nasiruddin was son of Jalaluddin Haqqani from an Arab wife, and full brother of the HQN's de facto chief, Sirajuddin. It has been an open secret for several years that Nasiruddin and his uncles Ibrahim and Khalil have operated in Islamabad's vicinity. Nasiruddin leveraged his Arab connections to raise funds for attacks inside Afghanistan while his uncles have been known to induce, personally and through enforcers working out of Rawalpindi, ostensible peace deals such as the 2011 Kurram accord. Sirajuddin Haqqani had played a decisive role in the selection of the TTP chiefs in the past, and possibly in 's recent ascent as the terror group's ringleader as well. It is unlikely that the Pak establishment has not been aware of the al Qaeda-affiliated HQN's activities near the federal capital.
Syed Munawar Hasan and indeed JUI's 's crass remarks have made even the worst critics of the army queasy. It is for the security establishment to reflect over and revisit its association with unsavoury characters from both sides of the Durand Line. But it would be naïve to assume that decades of damage can be undone with one statement. Peace in Afghanistan and Pakistain requires a policy overhaul on the part of the security establishment, not just a knee-jerk reaction only when its toes are stepped on.
|Living with the Taliban -- Adnan Adil|
|[Pak Daily Times] The mourning of religio-political and most mainstream parties at the killing of Tehrik-e-Taliban Taliban (TTP) chief Hakimullah Mehsud in a drone attack by the US should not be surprising as these parties have been quite consistent for a long time in expressing their soft corner, if not outright support, for the Taliban movement.|
The chief, Munawar Hasan, who hit the headlines by declaring Mehsud a martyr, is on record as condemning the military operation against the TTP in South in 2010. never spoke a word of sympathy for the common people or army officers killed by the Taliban. has been quite hypocritical in his stance about the s, with no clear policy on terrorism.
Except for the Pakistain People's Party, the Awami National Party, the and Shia and Barelvi s, no other party or religious outfit has ever opposed the Taliban. Liberal intellectuals and non-governmental organizations are also on the side of the anti-Taliban formation.
The country stands sharply divided over the issue of dealing with the Taliban with pro-Taliban groups in a dominant majority. Even the Pak media, especially the Urdu press, is rife with the supporters of the Taliban though some of them may be a little diplomatic in their posturing. The debate in the print and electronic media over Malala Yousufzai's book and drone attacks is a manifestation of the penetration of the Taliban mindset into the educated middle class.
The Taliban movement has very deep, wide roots in Pak society and it fulfills certain requirements of a majority of our people. One major factor behind the Taliban's acceptability is their anti-US role as these people rightly or wrongly consider the US to be an enemy of s and Islam.
Until the Taliban are fighting the US forces in Afghanistan and the Pakistain establishment is seen as a US ally, the Taliban will remain popular. has articulated this sentiment by saying that he would declare even a dog to be a martyr if it is killed by the US.
A large section of Pak society may be categorised as 'moderate Taliban', people who share the Taliban's interpretation of Islam and its enforcement but do not like their violent tactics such as s, s and beheadings. For example, unlike the Taliban who banned all kinds of female education, the moderate Taliban want female education but with the observing of purdah (veil).
The moderate Taliban could be averse to the use of violence in the enforcement of their brand of Sharia at home, but not so while fighting a foreign force like the US-led forces in Afghanistan or Indian forces in . The Taliban movement combines a puritan interpretation of religion with elements of anti-westernism, and the trappings of populist rhetoric.
The Taliban movement is not a monolithic organization led by Hakeemullah Mehsud as a Taliban himself explained in a recent interview. It is a conglomerate of different groups and dozens of other affiliated sub-groups operating all over the country. It gains strength from the fact that except for organizations belonging to the Shia and Barelvi sects, all religious organizations are in support of the Taliban movement.
The rank and file of religio-political organizations, such as the Jamaat-e-Ulema-e-Islam (Fazl and Sami groups), Tableeghi Jamaat, different organizations of the Ahle-e-Hadith sect and the Jamaat-e-Islami, has an emotional and ideological attachment with the Taliban movement. The workers and leaders of these organizations have linkages with each other and provide boarding and logistical support to s.
The Barelvi sect, which was in majority a few decades ago, has been shrinking in recent times, giving way to expansion of Deobandi and Wahabi sects. Spread of literacy, urbanisation and busy modern lifestyle have led to decline in the appeal of the ritualistic Barelvi sect. The urban, semi-educated people are more attracted to a rituals-free, puritan interpretation of the religion.
The Taliban's infrastructure may be concentrated in the northwestern tribal belt, Waziristan, etc, but Mumbai, and Lahore are the ideological centres of the movement. The seminaries and s based in these cities provide ideological direction and literature motivating the activists.
It is not without reason the Taliban honoured and positively responded to the recent appeal made by Deobandi s ( ) of these cities to cease violence and start talks with the government. A Taliban leader was quoted as saying in the media that the edict (fatwa) of these s for negotiations with the government has the status of an order for them. Had they not respected the edict, they risked losing support among the followers of these .
Following Karachi, the Taliban movement has now spawned in the interior Sindh as well, which hitherto has been a hub of Sufi (mystic) Islam. South Punjab is already a bastion of the Punjab Taliban, a nomenclature that is used as a variant for anti-Shia and Jihadi sectarian outfits known as , Sipah-e-Sahaba, Jaish-e-Muhammad, etc. There are hundreds of Taliban-affiliated seminaries in the entire region.
In central Punjab, Jihadi organizations such as the , now working as Jamat-ud-Dawa and with other names like Anjuman Falah-e-Insaniat, etc, are closely allied with the Taliban. In , Deobandis constitute a very large majority of the population. The seminaries of Akora Khattak and Punj Sher (Swabi) have been the nurseries of the Taliban. The students and of these religious schools have played a key role in fostering the Taliban movement in Afghanistan and later in Swat.
What gives impetus to the Taliban movement is the fact that people across the country, in general, are fed up with the corrupt and inefficient state. A majority of people want resolution of their basic issues like unemployment, price hike and inefficient judicial system, whosoever provides these. They are more concerned with their survival issues than the ideas of freedoms and civil liberties.
Our ruling elite is so dishonest, callous in treating the poor and incompetent in governance and service delivery that a large number of people have lost hope in them. In this situation, certain sections of society are looking towards the Taliban as the messiah. The Taliban movement has an appeal for the poor, lower middle class and religious-minded people.
Unless the issues of governance, administration of justice, public education and fair distribution of wealth are addressed, the Taliban movement will keep gaining strength. An intensive military operation against the TTP in North Waziristan and other parts of the northwestern tribal areas may only provide a temporary respite. The Taliban phenomenon has much more to it than militancy. It is going to stay with us and cannot be wished away. We will have to find ways to live with it.
|No casualties during Hefajat flushing out|
|[Bangla Daily Star] No casualty had taken place on early May 6, when law enforcers flushed out Hefajat men from the capital's Shapla Chattar, said a whitepaper by the Gono Commission of Ekatturer Ghatak Dalal Nirmul Committee yesterday.|
Previously, Hefajat, Jamaat and BNP claimed that several thousand Hefajat men had been killed during the flush-out, giving rise to widespread controversy.
The Gono Commission, however, said a total of 39 people had been killed in in and outside the capital over the Hefajat rally on May 5-6. Six more law enforcers were also killed during the time, says the report.
The whitepaper styled "400 Days of Fundamentalist and Communal Violence of and " binned the lists of 79 and 61 deaths prepared by Hefajat and rights body Odhikar respectively. It termed the reports incomplete, exaggerated and full of repetitions.
On the home ministry list, which claimed that a total of 28 people had died that day, the whitepaper said families of some victims had not reported to the police about the deaths and buried the bodies secretly. This kept the government report incomplete.
The Nirmul Committee on June 1 formed the 15-member Gono Commission led by Justice Syed Amirul Islam to find out the actual number of casualty on May 5-6.
Yesterday, Justice Amirul Islam unveiled the whitepaper at a function in the capital's WVA auditorium. Justice Golam Rabbani, president of Ekatturer Ghatak Dalal Nirmul Committee, chaired the ceremony.
Shahriar Kabir, executive president of the Nirmul Committee who moderated the function, said, "The commission engaged some activists of Hefajat and Jamaat, and ex-operatives of banned outfit Harkat-ul-Jihad ( ) to carry out the investigation."
The commission also took accounts of Kawmi madrasa students and teachers across the country, and of members of bereaved families to get the correct death figure, said Shahriar.
The whitepaper observed that BNP Chairperson 's 48-hour ultimatum on May 4 to oust the government had provoked Hefajat men to unleash violence.
Khaleda Zia and leaders of Hefajat and Jamaat must take the responsibility of the killings and lawsuits should be instituted against them as s, said Shahriar, adding that if someone lodged a case against the s, the government should provide him/her with legal assistance.
He also asked the government not to let Hefajat hold a rally on November 15.