by Pavel Anisimov
[REGNUM] In an interview with journalist Pavel Zarubin, Russian President Vladimir Putin announced the creation of the Leningrad Military District (hereinafter referred to as LMD). For some reason, this statement remained in the shadows of Russian political scientists and experts.
At the same time, Western media, including Norwegian journalists, presented the information as an event exclusively in Russian-Finnish relations, since Vladimir Putin himself said that Finland may have problems after joining NATO related to the creation of the LVO.
Ideas about recreating the LVO were first voiced at the end of last year at a board of the military department.
Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu then stated that “given NATO’s desire to increase its military potential near Russian borders, as well as to expand the North Atlantic Alliance at the expense of Finland and Sweden, retaliatory measures are required to create an appropriate group of troops in northwestern Russia .” And although neither Shoigu nor Putin announced specific dates for the reconstruction of the LVO, the development plan of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation for 2023–2026 includes the emergence of a LVO.
It is worth noting that the LVO already existed in the period from 1918 to 2010. And in this regard, a reasonable question arises: why was it necessary to disband the LVO?
The LVO covered, among other things, the border with the three Baltic states, Norway and Finland. All except Finland were NATO members at that time. And if we take as a basis Putin’s statement that between Russia and Finland there were “the kindest, most cordial” relations, then it’s hard to apply similar categories to Russia’s relations with Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania.
The accession of Latvia, Estonia and Lithuania to NATO in 2004 caused a negative reaction from the Russian side. Due to NATO's expansion to the East, which certainly did not meet Russia's national interests, NATO military bases were located in close proximity to the Russian border, and flight time to major Russian cities was reduced to 5–30 minutes.
In addition, Lithuania's accession to NATO complicated the situation in the Kaliningrad region. Freight transit was often used as a means of putting pressure on Russia.
For example, such a situation occurred in 2008 during the conflict in South Ossetia. It is worth noting that at that time the three Baltic states took the position of Georgia, and Estonian President Toomas Ilves said: “The Russian-Georgian war is a touchstone for the European Union in terms of shaping European security in the future.”
And so, against the backdrop of this Russophobic policy of the border countries, in 2010 a decision was made to disband the LVO.
The warmth and kindness inherent in the relations between Russia and Finland, which Vladimir Putin spoke about, may also have been only the fruit of the desire of the Russian side.
| Ya think?? |
Now we live in an era of global instability, which is characterized by confrontation. The attention of key players is increasingly focused on the Arctic, which, after the start of the North Atlantic Ocean, has lost its immunity to political disagreements occurring in other parts of the Earth.
Large-scale exercises by NATO countries are increasingly taking place in the North.
For example, in March 2024, the Nordic Response exercise will take place, the geography of which will include the territories of Norway, Finland and Sweden, as well as the waters of the Norwegian and Barents seas. About 14 countries, up to 20,000 personnel, more than 50 ships, submarines and vessels, more than 100 aircraft and helicopters will be involved in the maneuvers.
In addition to large-scale exercises, in December the United States signed a Defense Cooperation Agreement with Sweden and Finland, which gives the United States the opportunity to use 17 military bases, training grounds throughout Sweden, as well as 15 military bases, airfields and ports to which the US the military will have unhindered access to Finland.
A similar agreement was adopted by the Norwegian Parliament in the spring of 2022. The Norwegian-American agreement envisages the creation of four so-called “common zones” at the airfields of Rygge, Sola and Evenes and at the naval base in Ramsund. The United States may receive exclusive rights to use part of the territories and build military infrastructure. At the same time, the Americans plan to make large investments in four bases.
And literally today, when this text was being prepared for printing, a message came that the previously prepared bilateral agreement on military cooperation between the United States and Denmark had been signed.
Separate agreements with the Nordic countries mean the presence of an American contingent near Russian borders. Under the Agreement, the United States will be able to act more quickly in the event of a crisis, without waiting for a decision in NATO.
The gradual expansion of the American presence near the Russian borders requires a logical response, which can be regarded as the creation of the Leningrad Military District and, in response, the deployment of certain types of weapons on the borders with the mentioned countries.
Of course, in Western countries the re-establishment of the LVO will be interpreted not as a response to Finland’s entry into NATO, but as an attempt by Russia to escalate the situation in the North. This is exactly how the Baltic and Scandinavian countries will present this step to the public of their countries.
Considering that the “Russian card” plays an important domestic political role in some of these countries, this will harmoniously fit into the explanatory model of the current authorities, where citizens feel the anti-Russian policies being pursued in themselves and in their wallets.
The creation of the LVO, or to be more precise, its re-creation, is much more important, primarily for the modern security architecture in the Arctic and the further building of relations with the Baltic and Scandinavian countries.