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| Iraq-Jordan | |||||
| Hussein family funding the insurgency | |||||
| 2004-07-05 | |||||
Mr. Hussein’s family has a history of intermarriage with the Majid clan; his own full name is Saddam Hussein al-Majid al-Tikriti. Under his government, the Majid family was a particularly feared branch of the ruling Tikriti tribe. Its members played prominent roles in the day-to-day operations of the country’s state security apparatus, as bodyguards, enforcers and secret-police chiefs, and the cousins who now live outside Iraq have access to tens of millions of dollars, much of it derived from smuggling oil, military equipment and other goods in and out of Iraq under Mr. Hussein, the American officials said. Fatiq al-Majid, said to be in his 30’s and described as "a main money man" in the operation, has been living in Syria with the knowledge of the Syrian authorities, American officials said. In addition to being Mr. Hussein’s cousin, he was a brother-in-law of Mr. Hussein’s son Qusay and is a nephew of Ali Hassan al-Majid, the general who became known as Chemical Ali for gassing thousands of Kurds in the 1980’s. The prominent Iraqi who provided information about the network aiding the insurgency, Samir Shaker Mahmoud al-Sumeidi, was a member of the Iraqi Governing Council. He served briefly this spring as interior minister and was responsible for security. He recently described another Majid, Izzadin, as "now financing a lot of the activities of the insurgents." The statement by Mr. Sumeidi, at an appearance in Washington last month, was the first public reference to the concerns about the role played by the Majid family. In response to inquiries about Mr. Sumeidi’s statement and about other information provided by former intelligence officials, American officials confirmed that intelligence reports had provided information linking Izzadin al-Majid, Fatiq al-Majid and at least one other member of the family, along with some associates, to operations in support of the Iraqi insurgency. The American officials declined to speak publicly about the information because the intelligence reports in which it is spelled out are classified.
According to the general understanding, Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, the Jordanian militant, and his followers are now regarded as the most dangerous terrorists in Iraq, and have been blamed for most major bombings. But the larger core of the insurgency, involving as many as 5,000 fighters and responsible for many more attacks, is seen as being organized and directed by former Iraqi officials and those they can enlist to carry out attacks, who may sometimes include foreign fighters. In Congressional testimony last month, the deputy defense secretary, Paul D. Wolfowitz, described former associates of Mr. Hussein’s as "as a significant part of the enemy that we’re facing, and they’re still out there." Among those still at large, he identified Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri, a former top deputy to Mr. Hussein, as someone who who is "probably funding terrorism." Untangling the question of who has been financing the insurgency has been an "extremely important" priority for American military and intelligence officials, and the indication of the exiles’ role is among several pieces of information pointing to flows of financing, manpower and weapons that begin outside Iraq, according to a senior military officer serving in Iraq. The officer said the effort to uncover that trial had already "led us to and through several countries, and several individuals, who are funding parts of the current insurgency in several organizations." In addition to the Majid cousins, some business associates and trusted friends also appeared to be involved in the financing operation, the American officials said. Ties to Hussein Kamel appeared to be a common link. He married Mr. Hussein’s daughter Raghad in 1985, and by the mid-1990’s, was seen as the second-most-powerful figure in Iraq, having been put in charge of reconstruction after the Persian Gulf war of 1991 and of Iraq’s illicit weapons programs. After fleeing with his brother, Saddam, to Jordan in August 1995, Hussein Kamel provided the Jordanian authorities and Western intelligence services with new information about Mr. Hussein’s efforts to hide illicit weapons from United Nations inspectors. But within six months, he and Saddam were persuaded to return to Iraq; after their return, they, their children and other members of their families were killed. Neither Mr. Sumeidi or the American officials have tried to offer an explanation for why people linked to Hussein Kamel would now be working to support insurgents affiliated with other former members of Mr. Hussein’s government. As is the case with Iran, the question of the degree to which Syria is being used as a base for the insurgency in Iraq has never been clear. But American officials described evidence last spring that Syria was being used as a transit point for militants, money and weapons being brought into Iraq for use in attacks against American forces. In addition to Fatiq al-Majid, who has never been on any public American wanted list, more prominent members of the former Iraqi government have been described by American intelligence officials as having spent time in Syria after the major combat phase of the war in Iraq ended in May 2003. Defense Department officials have said they believe that the two Hussein sons, Uday and Qusay, spent time in Syria before they returned to Iraq and were killed by American forces last July, Pentagon officials said. The American officials said new information about the activities of the Majid cousins had added to their concerns. They said Fatiq al-Majid appeared to have transferred large amounts of money into Syria to aid the insurgency, and might have been involved in buying weapons and assisting fighters who sought to enter Iraq. Mr. Sumeidi is a highly regarded Sunni who is seen in Iraq as a rival of Ahmad Chalabi, the leader of the Iraqi National Congress. Mr. Sumeidi, who was replaced by the new prime minister, Iyad Allawi, made his public remarks in a June 24 appearance at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, a research organization in Washington. Mr. Sumeidi identified Izzadin al-Majid only by his first name and his biography, and he declined to identify any countries that were the source of his concern about support for the insurgency, saying that "it doesn’t help to name specific countries." Still, he went on, "let’s look at the situation around Iraq." "Not every country adjacent to Iraq feels entirely happy with the demise of Saddam Hussein and the potential for building up a modern democratic system. It is understandable that some of them will feel threatened. I will not go into any more details on this."
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| Posted by:Dan Darling |